A quick study, he read for his law license and quickly emerged as a master of New York State’s factious state politics - a game that often hinged more on personal loyalties and patronage than on ideas or ideology.Īs one of the architects of Andrew Jackson’s winning presidential campaign in 1828, Van Buren helped fashion what had been a loose and disparate coalition opposed to the outgoing administration of President John Quincy Adams into the Democratic party - the nation’s first modern political organization. Raised in upstate New York in a modest household, Van Buren honed his political skills early, working in his parent’s tavern, learning what made ordinary people tick. He was “the Little Magician,” the “Sly Fox,” the father of the American party system. Martin Van Buren - a New Yorker, like Trump - bore many monikers. After losing the election, Van Buren ran again in 1848 with the Free Soil Party ticket - a breakaway faction of anti-slavery, New York Democrats led by his son. This article is designed to look, in particular, at Article 26 of the UDHR -which focuses on the right to education-by tracing its origins and uses via biographical methodologies.One of the few campaign prints issued in support of Democratic incumbent Martin Van Buren's 1840 presidential bid. For example, in the 1990s alone, the UDHR served as the cornerstone document for the World Conference on Education for All, held in Jomtien, Thailand (1990) the World Summit for Children (1990) the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (Rio, 1992) the World Conference on Human Rights (1993) the International Conference on Population and Development (Cairo, 1994) the World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen, 1995) the Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) and the formation of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW ). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is arguably the international project of the twentieth century.2 It spawned many significant forums, conferences, and policy directives that continue to guide the international community’s conscience and actions with regard to women and the girl-child. Meanwhile Roosevelt was rebuilding America at a historic bargain cost. Treating these men and women as unemployed while soldiers in Germany and France were treated as having jobs has made the Roosevelt administration's economic performance appear uncompetitive, but it is fairer to argue that the people employed in government public works and conservation programs were just as authentically (and much more usefully) employed as draftees in what became garrison states. Including such ‘workfare’ recipients as employed presents a radically different picture for the New Deal, showing unemployment dropping by almost two-thirds from a high of 25%. In particular, the key to evaluating Roosevelt's performance in combating the Depression is the statistical treatment of many millions of unemployed engaged in his massive workfare programs. We suggest, on the contrary, that mainstream economics and policy have been unable to come to grips with our current socio-economic problems because of a lack of historical memory. Such arguments have been made popular during the past 25 years by economists and historians keen to debunk the effectiveness of Keynesian economics in favor of the neo-liberal Washington Consensus. Abstract Historical revisionists have done much to dismiss the economic achievements of the New Deal, some even going so far as to suggest that FDR’s fiscal policies worsened the crisis.
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